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CORRUPTION and GOVERNMENT @ Susan Rose-Ackerman 1999 ISBN 9952-400-09-8 (Azeri) In Azeri...>>> “Translation Project” We are grateful to the The Open Society Institute - Assistance Foundation (Soros Foundation) without whouse assistance this Book could not exist. |
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CONTENTS
Preface
1 Introduction:
The Costs of Corruption
Part I Corruption as an Economic Problem
2 The Economic Impact of Corruption
Payments that Equate Supply and Demand Bribes as Incentive Payments for Bureaucrats Bribes to Reduce Costs
Organized Crime and Corruption Conclusions
3 Corruption of High-Level Officials
Payments to Obtain Major Contracts and Concessions Privatization Conclusions
4 Reducing Incentives and Increasing Costs
Program Elimination
Establishing a Credible Privatization Process Reform of Public Programs
Competitive Pressures in Administration
The Deterrent Effect of Anticorruption Laws Procurement Reform Conclusions
5 Reform of the Civil Service Pay Reform
Conflicts of Interest Carrots and Sticks Corruption in Hierarchies
The Rediscovery of Contract Conclusions
Part II Corruption as a Cultural Problem
6 Bribes, Patronage, and Gift Giving
Bribes, Gifts, Prices, and Tips
The Similarity of Bribes and Gifts
Patronage, Gift Giving, and Economic Development Conclusions
Part III Corruption as a Political Problem
7 Corruption and Politics Kleptocracy
Bilateral Monopolies and Mafia-Dominated States Competitive Bribery Conclusions
8 Democracy and Corruption: Incentives and Reforms
Electoral Systems
Buying Political Influence and Buying Votes Conclusions
9 Controlling Political Power
Checks and Balances in the Legislative Process Accountable Implementation Federalism: Exit and Voice
Independent Judicial and Prosecutorial Institutions Openness and Accountability Conclusions
Part IV Achieving Reform
10 The Role of the International Community
Controlling Corruption in Development Projects
Supporting Reform
Limiting Corruption in International Business Controlling Money Laundering and International
Criminal Enterprise
New International Institutions
Conclusions: Policy Fads and Policy Reforms
11 Domestic Conditions for Reform
Political Structure and Reform Scandal and Crisis as Catalysts
Natural Resource Wealth and Foreign Aid Demands for Reform Sustaining Reform Conclusions
12 Conclusions
References
Name Index
Subject Index
PREFACE
Economics is a powerful tool for the analysis of corruption. Cultural
differences and morality provide nuance and subtlety, but an economic approach
is fundamental to understanding where corrupt incentives are the greatest and
have the biggest impact. In an earlier book, Corruption: A Study in Political
Economy (1978), I made this point for an audience of economists and technically
trained political scientists. Twenty years later I hope to broaden my audience
and deepen my analysis with a new book that focuses on the way corruption
affects developing countries and those in transition from state socialism.
The growing interest in institutional issues among development economists
encouraged me to make this effort. The study of corruption forces scholars and
policy makers to focus on the tension between self-seeking behavior and public
values. Those worried about the development failures common throughout the world
must confront the problem of corruption and the weak and arbitrary state
structures that feed it.
In 1995 – 1996 I was a Visiting Research Fellow at the World Bank in Washington,
D.C. Since I previously had focused on public policy problems in the United
States and Western Europe, a year at the World Bank was a transformative
experience. I learned a tremendous amount, not just by reading whatever was at
hand, but also by using the Bank's e-mail system to track down lunch partners
with complementary interests. For a scholar used to sitting alone before a
computer, the year in Washington was a welcome and energizing change. It was
fascinating to work on a topic – corruption – that the Bank had treated with
indirection in the past. I began to collect euphemisms. People told me that when
a review of a program mentioned "governance problems," "unexplained cost
overruns," or "excessive purchase of vehicles," this meant that corruption and
simple theft were a problem. A World Bank staffer pointed out that complaints
about "excessive capital – labor ratios" in a report on Indonesia meant that
corruption was not only rife but costly.
My current work on corruption began before I arrived at the World Bank and was
completed after I left, but my understanding was deepened by talking to Bank
staff who were living with the problem. Among the many supportive and helpful
staffers, I particularly wish to thank Ladipo Adamolekun, William Easterly,
Daniel Kaufmann, Petter Langseth, John Macgregor, Boris Pleskovic, Neil Roger,
Sabine Schlemmer-Schulte, Frederick Stapenhurst, and Michael Stevens. At the
International Monetary Fund I also had useful discussions with Nadeem Ul Haque,
Paolo Mauro, Vito Tanzi, and Caroline Van Rijckegham. All of them were helpful
sounding boards, but should not, of course, be implicated in any of my
conclusions. Obviously, the World Bank itself bears no responsibility for my
analysis and conclusions. I owe a special debt to Estelle James for suggesting
that I apply to the Bank as a Visiting Research Fellow and to Michael Klein and
his staff for providing me with a congenial institutional home at the Bank's
unit on the Private Provision of Public Services located in the Private Sector
Development Department.
Soon after I arrived in Washington, James Wolfensohn, the World Bank's new
president, sought to put the corruption issue openly on the Bank's agenda.
Because my economic perspective fit well with the Bank's own efforts to define
its role in this area, I was pleased to contribute something to the internal
debate – a debate that generated a 1997 paper, Helping Countries Combat
Corruption (World Bank 1997a), stating the Bank's position.
After leaving the Bank, I continued to work with Bank staff on the corruption
section of the World Development Report 1997, The State in a Changing World
(World Bank 1997c), and I wrote a paper entitled "Corruption and Development"
for the Annual World Bank Conference on Development Economics in May 1997
(Rose-Ackerman 1998b). Both Brian Levy and Sanjay Pradhan of the World
Development Report team were helpful critics and colleagues. In the spring of
1997 I presented the Philip A. Hart Memorial Lecture at Georgetown Law School on
the topic of "The Role of the World Bank in Controlling Corruption"
(RoseAckerman 1997c). I also wrote a background paper for the Management
Development and Governance Division of the Bureau for Policy and Programme
Support of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). The UNDP issued this
report as a discussion paper, entitled "Corruption and Good Governance" (United
Nations Development Programme 1997a), and the UNDP has used this paper to
develop its own thinking on the topi. Finally, in 1998 I prepared a paper for
the World Bank's Operations Evaluation Department (OED) to help guide its review
of the Bank's anticorruption efforts. Anwar Shah and his staff at the OED
provided me with helpful background information and suggestions.
In 1994 I joined the board of the United States chapter of Transparency
International (TI), an international nonprofit organization devoted to fighting
corruption worldwide. This association has given me a valuable opportunity to be
on the inside of a growing international movement and to keep up to date on
worldwide developments. TI – USA's executive director Nancy Boswell has been a
strong moral supporter of my research efforts, as has Fritz Heimann, the chair
of TI – USA's board. The international organization – based in Berlin, but with
chapters worldwide – has become a global force and a clearinghouse for
information on corruption. This is due to the tireless efforts of TI's chairman,
Peter Eigen, and TI's first managing director, Jeremy Pope. Their success in
raising the issue of corruption to international consciousness has corresponded
to my own scholarly and policy concerns. I thank TI for its interest in my own
work, but obviously do not implicate them in any of my specific proposals.
Several collaborative papers have contributed to the arguments I develop here.
Within the World Bank Group, I collaborated with Jacqueline Coolidge of the
Foreign Investment Advisory Service on a paper on corruption in Africa and with
Andrew Stone of the Private Sector Development Department on a paper that
analyzed World Bank surveys in the Ukraine and Pakistan. At Yale University, I
collaborated with Silvia Colazingari, an advanced graduate student in political
science, on a paper on the Italian case. I thank all three coauthors for
bringing their own knowledge and insights to bear on topics that I could never
have tackled on my own.
Two Yale political science graduate students, Jonathan Rodden and Sarah Dix,
provided indefatigable research assistance on' all manner of diverse topics. I
an extremely grateful for their help, patience, and good humor. I thank my
assistant, Barbara Mianzo, for excellent assistance at all stages of this
project, and Gene Coakley and the Yale Law Library staff for tracking down
sources and checking references. I am also grateful to my husband, Bruce
Ackerman, who gave the manuscript a careful and critical reading as it neared
completion.
Over the last several years, as my thinking developed, I have presented my work
in a variety of places. I gave seminars at a number of universities and
colleges, including the universities of Iowa, Michigan, Ottawa, and
Pennsylvania; the Kennedy School at Harvard University; New York University;
Northeastern University; Swarthmore College;
Trinity College; Yale University; and the Jerome Levy Institute at Bard College.
Several workshops at the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund were
especially helpful. The Comparative Law and Economics Forum, of which I am a
member, was a congenial place to present several early draft papers. I also
presented papers at the American Economics Association Annual Meeting in San
Francisco; a workshop in Dakar, Senegal, sponsored by the U.S. Agency for
International Development; the Annual Meeting of the American Society for
International Law in Washington, D.C.; a conference organized by the Institute
for International Economics; several seminars and workshops in Santiago, Chile,
and Buenos Aires, Argentina, during a visit sponsored by the United States
Information Agency; a meeting in Paris sponsored by the Organization for
Economic Cooperation and Development and the UNDP; a conference on institutional
reform held at the Autonomous Technical Institute in Mexico City; the Latin
American Law and Economics Association Meeting in Buenos Aires; and a conference
at the Yale Center for International and Area Studies sponsored by the UNDP.
My research on this book was made possible by research stipends provided by Yale
Law School and by the Visiting Research Fellows program of the World Bank. I am
grateful to both institutions for their support without implying any
responsibility for the results.